Part 1, Note 15
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John Tumlinson and Robert Kuykendall to the Commandant General of Texas,
January 7, 1823; Province of Texas v. Stephen R. Wilson, Minutes, March
8, 1823; Verdict, District of Colorado, March 8, 1823; Affidavit of Robert
Kuykendall, Thomas Williams, John Petty, Seth Ingram, William B. Dewees, Micajah
Reader, John Frazer, Moses Morrison, Jesse Burnam, Pumphrey Burnett, Charles
Garrett, Nicholas Clopper, James Cummins, and Zadock Woods, March 9, 1823;
Decree of the Court, San Fernando de Bexar, April 8, 1823; and John Tumlinson to
José Félix Trespalacios, March 9, 1823, all in Bexar Archives, The Center for
American History, University of Texas, Austin; Dewees, Letters from an Early
Settler of Texas, pp. 31-36; Kuykendall, "Reminiscences of Early
Texans," The Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Association,
vol. 6, no. 3, January 1903, p. 237. The incidents on the coast were not well
reported in contemporaneous documents, and were confounded in the memories of
those who wrote recollections of them. It is commonly accepted that the Lively
made two voyages to Texas, and that the John Motley, with the refugees
from the wreck of the Lively, arrived at the mouth of the Colorado in
early June 1822. The Only Son's voyages are less well known. Gregg
Cantrell, in a footnote in his thoroughly researched article, "The
Partnership of Stephen F. Austin and Joseph H. Hawkins," citing the arrival
records of the port of New Orleans, states that the Only Son made three
voyages between New Orleans and Texas in 1822, returning to New Orleans on May
7, July 11, and September 18 (see Southwestern Historical Quarterly, vol.
99, no. 1, July 1995, p. 8). The Only Son's first voyage took some three
months, as it searched, finally successfully, for the mouth of the Colorado. It
had deposited its passengers there before April 24. It was back on the Texas
coast early in June, arriving at the mouth of the Colorado almost concurrently
with the John Motley, and dropping off, among others, the man who had
owned it when it made its first voyage, William Kincheloe. Then it returned to
New Orleans to pick up provisions and more settlers, arriving on July 11 and
departing on or about July 23. By this time, it had apparently been purchased by
Joseph Hawkins. It was back on the Texas coast in August or early September,
when it deposited the cargo that was to be plundered (see Kuykendall,
"Reminiscences of Early Texans," The Quarterly of the Texas State
Historical Association, vol. 6, no. 3, January 1903, pp. 236-237, The
Austin Papers, vol. 1, pp. 476, 502, 521, 648. That it was in New Orleans as
late as July 23, 1822 is confirmed by the letter that is transcribed on pages
532-533 of volume 1 of The Austin Papers. That letter, which mentions
Musquiz, was sent to Texas via the Only Son). Kuykendall remembered that
the guards were murdered and the vessel looted shortly after the landings in
June 1822 (see Kuykendall, "Reminiscences of Early Texans," The
Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Association, vol. 6, no. 3, January
1903, pp. 237, 247). His memory was apparently wrong. The Dewees book stated
that the cargo that the murdered men were guarding had been left by "the
second vessel that had landed at the mouth of the Colorado" (see Dewees, Letters
from an Early Settler of Texas, p. 31). This may have been his attempt to
differentiate it from that which arrived in June 1822. The Cloppers, apparently
by oral tradition, believed that the theft and murder occurred in October 1822.
Because the bodies were never recovered, for a time Clopper's family held out
hope that he and his friend White had been captured (see Clopper, An American
Family, p. 109). Dewees does not mention Clopper or White by name, and
remembered that only one man had been left to guard the ship, but he does say
that the body was not found. He accounted for the missing body by concluding
that the Indians, who, since they had already acquired a reputation as
cannibals, must have been Karankawas, had eaten it (see Dewees, Letters from
an Early Settler of Texas, p. 32). The papers generated by the court in the
trial of Stephen R. Wilson associate the Cloppers with the camp at the mouth of
the Colorado where the guards were killed, specifically stating that it was the
camp of Seth Ingram and Nicholas Clopper (meaning, apparently, Nicholas Clopper,
Sr.) (see Province of Texas v. Stephen R. Wilson, Minutes, March 8, 1823;
and Decree of the Court, San Fernando de Bexar, April 8, 1823, Bexar Archives,
The Center for American History, University of Texas, Austin. The older Clopper
was certainly alive in 1823, for he testified at Wilson's trial). The Clopper
family story and particularly the October 1822 date is lent further credibility
because Trespalacios did not mention the incident until November 13, 1822 (see
Letter of José Félix Trespalacios, November 13, 1822, Bexar Archives, The
Center for American History, University of Texas, Austin) and by the fact that
Tumlinson's report on the investigation of the incident was written on January
7, 1823 (see John Tumlinson and Robert H. Kuykendall to the Commandant General
of Texas, Bexar Archives, The Center for American History, University of Texas,
Austin). It is most likely, of course, that the investigation occurred shortly
after the incident rather than months later.
Further evidence that the Only Son made at least two voyages is
provided by the business dealings of Littleberry Hawkins. On October 7, 1824,
Hawkins wrote a long letter to Austin regarding his dealings in Texas. Among his
complaints was that he had lost provisions that had been landed at the mouth of
the Colorado but subsequently had been "taken from the encampment by those
Americans," meaning presumably Wilson, Moss, and Park (see The Austin
Papers, vol. 1, p. 918). The provisions that the Only Son carried on
its second voyage had been obtained in New Orleans by Victor Blanco, Francisco
Madero, and Ramon Musquiz. Madero, however, could not pay for his share of the
provisions, so he borrowed money from Hawkins. Hawkins, and later his
representative, Phillip Dimmitt, were unable to collect the debt, and Hawkins
thereby acquired a share of the provisions themselves (see The Austin Papers,
vol. 1, pp. 532-533, 648-649, 917-922).